Regionalism and the State: NAFTA and Foreign Policy by Gordon, Mr Mace

By Gordon, Mr Mace

Empirically wealthy with hugely special case reports at the North American unfastened exchange contract (NAFTA), this accomplished quantity reports the connection among regionalism and nation habit. the normal development of prior reviews of regionalism and nearby integration has been to appreciate how country thoughts molded the dynamics of an integration method. This examine examines the impression of regionalism at the coverage personal tastes of member states.

This quantity deals 3 theoretical contributions:

• an empirical attempt of the convergence hypothesis
• reports of associations and their effect on family politics
• an exam of overseas coverage personal tastes and the neo-functionalist notion of 'spill-over'

Recommended interpreting for college students of regionalism, overseas political economic system, foreign alternate, international coverage and North American studies.

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Additional resources for Regionalism and the State: NAFTA and Foreign Policy Convergence

Example text

When it comes to FTAA negotiations on agriculture, the Mexican negotiation strategy is one of the most interesting to watch. asp. For the Canadian proposal on agriculture at the WTO, see Government of Canada (Government of Canada 1999). Convergence or Divergence Effects? 23 by the Mexican government had resulted in major adjustments in the agricultural sector. All non-tariff measures have been converted into tariffs or tariff quotas as required by NAFTA and the WTO while state subsidies for domestic production were reduced (SICE Foreign Trade Information System 1997).

Realism, on the other hand, considers international institution-making as unnatural for states, which, according to realist premises, should grant supreme value to the maximisation of their autonomy and independence. Even more so when the institutions’ finality, as it is the case with free-trade agreements, is to facilitate economic integration and interdependence (Waltz 1979). So, when states nevertheless agree to participate in an economic alliance like NAFTA because there are sufficient gains to be made, we should expect the members of that alliance to seek counterbalancing in the future rather than further ‘bandwagoning’.

In addition to gains, there was also a domestic politics factor influencing Mexican behavior particularly in negotiations on agriculture. This became very evident in 2003 with political pressure mounting in Mexico to have the government renegotiate the agricultural provisions of the NAFTA. Given the possible negative consequences of reopening the NAFTA, the Mexican government would presumably have used the FTAA negotiations to try to redress the situation. Consequently it would seem that even in economic-related matters such as those discussed in the NAFTA and FTAA frameworks, the NAFTA has not produced the level of convergence that was anticipated at the start of this analysis at least with regards to Mexico and even with regards to Canada in relation with certain agricultural issues.

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