Global Maya: Work and Ideology in Rural Guatemala by Liliana R. Goldín
By Liliana R. Goldín
For greater than a decade, Liliana Goldín saw in highland cities either the intensification of assorted sorts of creation and their becoming hyperlinks to wider markets. during this first publication to match fiscal ideology throughout a variety of creation platforms, she examines how humans make a dwelling and the way they consider their ideas, practices, and constraints. Drawing on interviews and surveys—even retellings of conventional narratives—she finds how modern Maya reply to the more and more globalized but in the neighborhood circumscribed stipulations during which they work.
Goldín offers 4 case experiences: cottage industries dedicated to garment construction, vegetable transforming into for inner and border markets reached via direct trade, vegetation grown for export, and salary exertions in garment meeting factories. through evaluating generational and gendered alterations between employees, she finds not just complexities of switch but additionally how those complexities arereflected in altering attitudes, understandings, and aspirations that symbolize people’s financial ideology. additional, she indicates that as rural humans tackle assorted financial actions, in addition they reinterpret their perspectives on such concerns as accumulation, cooperation, pageant, department of work, and group solidarity.
Global Maya explores international strategies in neighborhood phrases, revealing the interaction of conventional values, loved ones economics, and the inescapable stipulations of demographic progress, a shrinking land base, and a world economic system continually searching for affordable exertions. It bargains a wealth of recent insights not just for Maya students but in addition for someone considering the consequences of globalization at the 3rd World.
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Additional info for Global Maya: Work and Ideology in Rural Guatemala
Informal municipal and departmental records and the census indicate that in the last fifteen years there has been extensive migration to the city of Guatemala and to the surroundings areas that house maquiladora industries. Our work in the area reflects the impact of such demographic shifts. Qualitative research also was conducted in households engaged in the production of NTAE and others not involved in NTAE in hamlets of Chimaltenango and Sacatepéquez. There, we met with members of several households that represented different forms of participation in the production and commercialization of NTAE and also members of households engaged in other activities, such as shop owners or corn agriculturalists and dayworkers.
The index of economic status used in my analyses was an average of either two or four indices. I first standardized scores to put them on a common metric and then averaged them. , Cronbach 1985), such averaging helps to minimize measurement error. 40 ch a p t er 1 The surveys generally used random samples from each township and ranged in size from a random sample of 10 percent of the households in Almolonga and in Santa María Cauqué to nonrandom surveys of about 30 to 40 percent of the households in the three communities in the central highlands (as well as a nonrandom sample of sixty households in one hamlet of San Francisco el Alto).
The notion that any aspect of ideology, feeling, emotion, or belief can be explored in survey form is insulting to many and contrary to everything that anthropology stands for. I have worked diligently to ensure that every question in my surveys is the result of my extensive qualitative work. In open-ended interviews, people were asked to elaborate on broad areas of life relevant to the economy, economic change, differentiation, and ways of making a living. What we could not know from open-ended interviews is how widespread some ideas were and, even less so, whether those ideas were in fact somehow related to other aspects of people’s lives, such as their social and economic position in the communities, their age, gender, or occupation.